For those who had been marginalized or ignored for so long, even the largely symbolic efforts of the Roosevelt administration inspired hope and renewed interest in the political process. As the older generation of black voters disappeared, the Democratic machines that dominated northern city wards courted the next generation of black voters.
By only 28 percent of African Americans nationally voted for Republican nominee Alf Landon—less than half the number who had voted for Hoover just four years before. Including Oscar De Priest, just nine black Republicans were elected to Congress between and —about 7 percent of the African Americans to serve in that time span. Despite the growing support from black voters, President Franklin D. Roosevelt remained aloof and ambivalent about black civil rights.
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His economic policies depended on the support of southern congressional leaders, and FDR refused to risk that support by challenging segregation in the South. This required a close working relationship with Congresses dominated by racially conservative southern Democrats, including several Speakers and most of the chairmen of key committees.
That same year an anti-lynching bill passed the U. House, but died in the Senate. The failure to pass anti-lynching legislation underscored the limitations of reform under FDR.
Moreover, Mitchell introduced his own anti-lynching bill in the 74th Congress — , which critics assailed as weak for providing far more lenient sentences and containing many legal ambiguities. Meanwhile, Mitchell waged a public relations blitz on behalf of his bill, including a national radio broadcast.
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Instead, Southerners in the Senate effectively buried it in early by blocking efforts to bring it to an up-or-down vote on the floor. Importantly, it revealed that African-American Members and outside advocacy groups sometimes worked at cross-purposes, confounding civil rights supporters in Congress and providing opponents a wedge for blocking legislation. Next Section. Moss, Jr.
New York: Knopf, : See also William J. For the larger anti-lynching campaign in and , see Robert L. For the legislative actions on lynching by a southern woman in the U. To get started, register as an instructor to set up your course and adopt this or another title, try out a live demo , or contact us for more information about adopting Perusall in your course.
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Gore also won several very close contests — in Wisconsin, Iowa and Oregon by less than half a percentage point in each — and a desperately close one in New Mexico.cribouthaba.tk
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Had Mr. Kerry won Ohio, he would have become president. Had some 60, Ohioans switched their votes, he would have won through the Electoral College despite losing the popular vote by more than two percentage points. If Hillary Clinton wins in November, Democrats will have won the popular vote in six of seven elections, this one being the exception.
Conservatism: A State of the Field | Journal of American History | Oxford Academic
In several elections, such as Democratic victories in and , Indiana remained red despite being surrounded by a sea of blue. Obama beat John McCain by one percentage point there, then lost Indiana in Indiana is expected to vote for Mr. Trump this November. It was essentially a repeat of the Obama victory map, minus Indiana and North Carolina. Democratic victories in Virginia and Colorado for the second straight cycle suggested a shift in those two states, and polling this year has confirmed it, giving Mrs.
Clinton many more ways to win the election than Mr.
Among other issues at play in this era were the Cold War, the Vietnam War, the invasion of Iraq; cultural divides on gun rights, school prayer, abortion; social movements like feminism and gay rights; economic differences on matters like taxes and trade. But race was the major reason the South flipped. Exit polling suggests that no Democratic presidential nominee has won 51 percent of white voters since I am here today as the Republican chairman to tell you we were wrong.
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Nevertheless, the current G.